It's just starting to sink into public consciousness how fiscally deceptive the Affordable Care Act is and was, and how much it worsens an already unsustainable trajectory for U.S. health care spending and the federal deficit. With Republicans in the House of Representatives voting yesterday to repeal the Community Living Assistance Services and Support (CLASS) Act, it may be an opportune time to revisit some of the other key fiscal gimmicks and extremely dubious fiscal assumptions that helped pass the law:
Double counting $53 billion in Social Security payments
Ignoring up to $115 billion in implementation costs
Pretending that Congress would allow a 30% cut in physician payments under Medicare that it has routinely halted (thus assuming hundreds of billions of dollars in savings that will never materialize)
Cutting Medicare reimbursement rates for hospitals and nursing homes to the point that, by 2019, Medicare payments would be lower than those currently paid for Medicaid - and which the Medicare Actuary says are, in the long run, unsustainable
But the CLASS Act has got to take the cake in terms of sheer chutzpah, since it was touted by supporters as saving $81 billion over its first decade - but only because the program counted 10 years of premiums before it started paying out benefits in earnest. The program was so seriously flawed even in its earliest conception that Senator Kent Conrad, Chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, called the CLASS Act "a Ponzi scheme of the first order, the kind of thing that Bernie Madoff would be proud of."
(While the Obama Administration has finally admitted that the program is unworkable as structured, it refuses to repeal the Act, perhaps hoping that if the U.S. Supreme Court sustains the individual mandate to purchase private health insurance or pay a penalty, President Obama could add another mandate and make the CLASS Act "sustainable" by imposing yet another mandatory entitlement program on every American.)
Here's what no one can argue with: the ACA creates a massive (and massively expensive) expansion of Medicaid (16 million Americans) and spends hundreds of billions of dollars in new subsidies for the purchase of private insurance on state health insurance exchanges. As the "out years" in the previous CBO estimate of the ACA's price tag have come into focus, cost estimates have risen as well: CBO now estimates that the subsidies and costs of running the exchanges will start at $17 billion in 2014, but will exceed $100 billion by 2022 (CBO now estimates that the ten year cost for the exchanges will be $650 billion).
To add insult to injury, America's budget forecast keeps getting uglier: according to the CBO, in 2012 the U.S. will spend $1.6 trillion or 44% of the entire federal budget on just three programs: Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. In 10 years, that figure will rise to 54% of the federal budget. (Along the way, the Social Security Disability trust fund is projected to go bankrupt in 2016; the Medicare hospital insurance trust fund will go bankrupt six years later, in 2022.)
What does any of this have to do with innovation? By expanding coverage without first seriously addressing existing entitlement costs, the ACA creates tremendous political pressure to crack down on spending through the crudest tools we have available: price controls.
Along the way, truly innovative reforms are apt to fall by the wayside because drugs or devices (or programs) that cost more up front, but payoff more in terms of better health and lower costs in the long run don't fit into the ACA's cut first and ask questions later structure. Indeed, if experience holds true to form, price controls will simply shift costs across the system and encourage providers to find yet more ways to game reimbursements without actually improving quality.
There are a few bright glimmers in America's health care system today: personalized medicine promises to make health care more predictive and more powerful, improving outcomes while chasing waste out of the system; health savings accounts continue to show the potential to make consumers smarter health care shoppers; and in the few parts of the market where providers compete (like retail clinics) it does seem possible to improve outcomes and access at lower cost using technology like electronic health records.
Ultimately, the CLASS Act is another morality tale in Washington's perennial fiscal shell game, promising everything without actually paying for it (like a jumbo subprime mortage, with no money down). To be fair, both parties have played that game cheerfully, but every fiscal bubble bursts eventually.
No matter who wins the White House next November, health care reform Part II is already a given, this time (hopefully) driven by smart bipartisan reforms like the Wyden-Ryan plan. While few people give it much chance of passing today, it has this to recommend it: we've tried everything else already.
And look where that got us.





