The FDA has come under fire yet again over allegations that a drug advisory panel decision was tainted by financial conflicts of interest.
Some recent research has suggested that women taking birth-control pills containing the active ingredient drospirenone -- such as the Bayer AG products Yaz, Yasmin, Beyaz, and Safyral, as well as several generic versions of the drug -- had roughly double the risk of non-fatal blood clots as those taking other oral contraceptives (see here and here). Last spring, Bayer issued a statement contesting the validity of the study methodology, and claiming that other research -- presumably more valid in Bayer's opinion -- found no heightened risk.
Who's right and who's wrong is a difficult question to answer. But at a December 9, 2011 joint meeting of the agency's Reproductive Health Drugs Advisory Committee and its Drug Safety and Risk Management Advisory Committee panelists sided with Bayer by a 15 to 11 vote that drugs containing drospirenone should remain on the market.
What's particularly noteworthy about the vote, however, is that an investigation by The Washington Monthly and the British Medical Journal has revealed that at least four of the committee members "have either done work for the drugs' manufacturers or licensees or received research funding from them." What's more troubling, though, is that the FDA did not itself make public any of these financial ties, and it took a couple of reporters to reveal the information.
By itself, the presence on FDA advisory panels of researchers who have done work funded by the drug industry is not problematic per se. After all, the purpose of the advisory panels is to provide the best possible expert advice, so the agency can better evaluate the benefits and risks of medicines. As Harvard Medical School researcher Thomas Stossel has explained over and over to anyone who'll listen, the manufacturers of drugs are going to seek out the best researchers with the most knowledge about a particular disease or condition to provide insights on their research and development programs. So, if you bar anyone with any financial ties to the industry from serving on regulatory advisory committees, that necessarily means settling for people who are not the best. Moreover, despite all the sturm and drang about financial conflicts of interest, and a growing literature examining the effects of these conflicts, "Evidence that relationships compromise scientific integrity is weak or false," and "there is no evidence at all about the effect of physician-industry relations on patient outcomes."
Nor am I especially concerned about the narrowness of the vote in this particular case. The Washington Monthly/BMJ report tries to make an issue of the fact that, without the four conflicted panel members, the result would have been an 11 to 11 tie. That still leaves us essentially where we were previously -- that is, with conflicting evidence and an essentially evenly split panel vote elucidating the fact that, with many drugs, it's difficult to tote up the benefits and risks and make a well-reasoned decision.
More importantly, though, those decisions are left to the FDA, not the advisory committees. By all accounts, the FDA was in fact aware of the financial conflicts. And the agency itself is fully capable of evaluating the full weight of scientific evidence and discounting the advisory committee's decision if deems those financial ties to have affected the votes of various members. The agency often does side with advisory committees in its approval or disapproval decisions. But there are far too many cases in which the agency rejected an advisory committee recommendation (almost always in the direction of rejecting approval for a drug that an advisory committee recommended approving) to think that the committee votes are anything more than what they purport to be: advisory in nature.
What I do find troubling about the whole affair, however, is the fact that the financial relationships were not previously disclosed by the FDA. There is nothing especially pernicious about these financial arrangements. But full information disclosure by federal agencies serves an important function: It lets the public evaluate the performance of our regulatory overseers. Sometimes information disclosure can be used more to intimidate and demagogue public and private actors -- and that is a tendency to be feared. But when it comes to government decision making, we ordinarily should prefer more information to less. In the end, disclosing not just potential financial conflicts of interest, but also other conflicts (such as intellectual ones) is a far better approach than excluding experts from fully participating in the regulatory process. And in that regard, The Washington Monthly and BMJ should be congratulated for their work.